[1]In
the past decade, the work of Raymond J. Starr on reading circles have become
more and more popular in the work of early Christianity. Starr’s analysis of
Roman practice of reading and writing through concentric circles of social
networks challenges the idea of a point action authorship but rather suggests
peer editing was a common practice.[2]
His argument presents texts as social creations rather than the isolated ideas
of one particular individual. William A. Johnson’s argument of elite reading
circles in Roman antiquity shows that reading was an equally social practice.[3]
Harry Gamble has shown that Christian use of books was not fundamentally
different from the larger Roman use.[4]
This creates a fundamental continuity between reading and writing. Both are
social practices and challenge the concept of point authorship and audience.
This has been very attractive to scholars of early Christianity because the
practical implications of the theory cause one to look into the text to attempt
to find the community reflected in it. This came as a breath of fresh air to a
scholarly community that struggled to find author’s who are separate from the
text which thereby drove the analysis away from the text and into a highly
speculative practice of psychoanalyzing a person one has never met.[5]
Reading as a social
act
It is well known that literacy rates in the ancient world
were limited. To be as generous as possible, the very most literate society
might have up to 30% literacy.[6]
Most communities, though, literacy was probably somewhere between 5-10%. Catherine
Hezser has argued that contrary to some popular opinion, Jewish literacy in
Roman Palestine was probably at least no higher than any other community. In
fact, there is some evidence to suggest literacy would have been even lower
than other areas of the Roman Empire.[7]
As such, it is true that books were a social status symbol. Owning books
suggested that one could read and that one could afford such a luxury. It is
from this observation that William Johnson develops his idea of elite reading
circles.[8]
However, as Mary Beard points out, it is not necessary to be able to read to be
involved in literary practice.[9]
Those who attend a community reading event are listening to and studying the
text – real question can be asked how “illiterate” these people are. They do
not possess the technical skill of being able to read; however, they certainly
are literate in its true sense of the term. This is precisely why reading
“circles” are so helpful – one did not need to read so long as one in the group
could read. In this way, reading was always a social act.
It has long been held that reading in the ancient world was
always “out-loud.” The argument that silent reading did not exist was primarily
based upon Augustine’s famous observation of Ambrose silently reading and his
surprise. However, the challenge of the reading is far less an issue of the ability
to silently read as much as Ambrose not following the social protocol of
creating a reading circle. Augustine writes in his Confessions:
When Ambrose read, his eyes ran
over the columns of writing and his heart searched out the meaning, but his voice
and his tongue were at rest. Often when I was present – for he did not close
his door to anyone and it was customary to come in unannounced – I have seen
him reading silently, never in fact otherwise. I would sit for a long time in
silence, not daring to disturb someone so deep in though, and then go on my
way. I asked myself why he read in this way. Was it that he did not wish to be
interrupted in those rare moments he found to refresh his mind and rest from
the tumult of others’ affairs? Or perhaps he was worried that he would have to
explain the obscurities in the text to some eager listener, or discuss other
difficult problems? For he would thereby lose time and be prevented from
reading as much as he had planned. But the preservation of his voice, which
easily became hoarse, may well have been the true cause of his silent reading.[10]
What is noteworthy is Augustine’s surprise. The surprise is
far less that Ambrose could read silently and far more that Augustine walked
into his office to learn and rather than reading aloud to his auditor, Ambrose
forced Augustine to simply sit there quietly while he read to himself. The
usual practice would have created a social element – that Ambrose would read
out loud so his audience could hear. This is functionally abandoned when
Ambrose ceases from doing this.[11]
Johnson goes even farther and argues that the reason reading
out loud was so common was merely because reading was an expected social
action. To read by oneself was not nearly as popular. Silent reading certainly
happened in private – usually as a follow up study of what was read in social
actions.[12]
In these reading circles, reading was certainly a social
act, but not formally a performative one. There was a key difference between
reading and acting in a play. Acting suggests a memorized script and a
dramatization. This can pull the audience from the text and into the theatre of
action. Reading, on the other hand, while it was aloud, is not the same thing.
It was often done at the dinner table. The lector is certainly not drawing the
audience to the drama of his reading but rather into the words of the text.[13]
It is in this sense that such reading was literary rather than performative and
the blurring of the lines between the literate and illiterate.
Martin Jaffee has made a clear distinction between the Oral
and Written Torah which is a very helpful illustration of this issue. Jaffee
argues that all Torah (both written
and oral) was spoken. The difference
lies in its use.
[The distinction] did not at first
describe the media in which texts were composed or preserved. Rather, they
described the modes of their public performance as literature…The Written Torah
was ‘read’ (qr’) in the sense that
the text was sung aloud from a scroll in the course of its study and
exposition. The Oral Torah, by contrast, was ‘repeated’ (snh) – quoted from
memory, without recourse to the mnemonic crutch of a written text.[14]
Jaffee’s point shows that the distinction between reading
“out loud” or silently is always due to its use in a social context.
Christianity did have a formally public act of reading in
their early services. As early as we have evidence for the Christian worship
service, the reading of text seems integral. At first, this reading was only of
the Hebrew Bible, but then the New Testament quickly took root in the same
manner. Therefore, reading was a social act encouraged by the use of the same
in the ritual practice of the church that then spilled over into the private
lives of the individuals. At Christian gatherings that were not necessarily
worship services, the prospect of reading socially was present and encouraged.[15]
Continuity Between
Reading and Writing
This analysis is not particularly surprising for a culture
wherein such a small percentage could read. It has been presented for quite a
long time that ancient literacy needs to be understood in its cultural context.
One should not expect something like unto the modern dependence on literacy for
a culture wherein such a small portion could read. Instead, one should expect a
culture where reading was not as essential to one’s life.[16]
If that is so, then it is not surprising that reading was done socially which
provided access to the illiterate to the knowledge found in written text. This
solves the seeming contradiction of the vast amount of written text that is
preserved while at the same time having a culture with such a small minority
able to read it.
What is less appreciated is that writing is as much a social
act as reading is. Writing of works in the ancient world is not that different
from the modern world. Most people do not publish works on their first drafts
(except for those of us who decide to publish on blog sites!). Rather, authors
usually present portions of their work to colleagues who provide feedback.
Further, peer editing is frequently done. There is no suggestion that the
sending out the work to be edited is “publishing” it. Rather, publishing is not
done until after the feedback is given (often a number of times), it is
presented to a company who oversees it and even sends out some “blind”
reviewers to provide even more feedback. Writing is clearly a social activity
in the modern world.
The ancient world had a generally similar practice. Johnson points out that in these elite literary circles authors could read out their own work. Authors could then get feedback on the work and would rewrite based on that feedback (not unlike a conference paper in the academic world).[17] Starr goes a step farther and discusses the type of peer review an author used – through friendship networks – to get feedback. He argues that an author would send the work out to some friends with the understanding that it was not a finished work. Instead, the author wanted feedback to rewrite. After that first round, the author would generally then send out a new draft to a larger audience – who were still in the friendship network – again, with the idea that it was not yet finished. Finally, the author would send it out to some very far from his own friendship network (nearly like the “blind review”) and gain feedback. After all of this, then the work was “complete” and “published” – sent to the same people with the idea that it was complete and that the recipients could feel free to copy it and distribute it as they liked.[18]
The ancient world had a generally similar practice. Johnson points out that in these elite literary circles authors could read out their own work. Authors could then get feedback on the work and would rewrite based on that feedback (not unlike a conference paper in the academic world).[17] Starr goes a step farther and discusses the type of peer review an author used – through friendship networks – to get feedback. He argues that an author would send the work out to some friends with the understanding that it was not a finished work. Instead, the author wanted feedback to rewrite. After that first round, the author would generally then send out a new draft to a larger audience – who were still in the friendship network – again, with the idea that it was not yet finished. Finally, the author would send it out to some very far from his own friendship network (nearly like the “blind review”) and gain feedback. After all of this, then the work was “complete” and “published” – sent to the same people with the idea that it was complete and that the recipients could feel free to copy it and distribute it as they liked.[18]
Through this practice, it is clear that both reading and
writing were social acts that involved a large community. It is then fair to
expect that the work was relevant to that community and that the feedback one
received led an author to make it relevant. It is not, therefore, surprising to
find the community’s interest in a work.
When considering religious texts, the community interest can
be even further expressed into identity discourse. A religious text developed
socially should portray the larger community within the text. Therefore, it
should not surprise us to find a community of non-apostolic Christians who hold
to something like unto the theology of the cross expressed in the Gospel with
the ironic insider/outsider dichotomy wherein the disciples cannot understand
Jesus’ works of power or suffering whereas the outsiders (encapsulated in the Centurion)
completely understand who Jesus is (despite the type of secrecy that is
presented).
Advantages of this approach to the field of Early Christianity
The value of this approach for the study of the New
Testament and later literature is that it, as compared with traditional
discussions of authorship, pragmatically pushes one into the text rather than
distancing oneself from it.
In the more traditional discussion of authorship of New
Testament, one expects all authors to work in the way that Paul seemed to work.
Paul wrote letters to real communities which he wrote relatively quickly in
order to address particular issues. The assumption seems to be that he wrote
them mostly by himself (though the extent to which Sylvanus and Timothy helped
is unclear) either through dictation or actually penning them. We are left to
assume that he did not write these to present to his friends but rather to
address very real issues in churches where he was not present. In fact, most of
the letters are merely precursors to his arrival where he will really address
the controversies he explains. This type of work would not seem – at least on
the surface – to fit with the concept of reading circles expressed by Gamble,
Starr, and Johnson.
While Paul’s model works very well for Paul’s letters, there
is no indication that any other work in the New Testament should be expected to
be written in the same way. For example, the Gospels and Acts are not texts
that address particular communities at particular times the way that a letter
would. In fact, it is usually assumed that the gospels were written to support
one’s own community and their identity. If that is the case, then most all of
what Starr and Johnson are presenting would fit nicely into the context of the
New Testament.
The Gospels do seem to see themselves as presenting a type
of literature that will be edifying for more than a point event of one author’s
idea at one time. Further, they seem to be texts that reflect community ideas
of the identity of the group. There does seem to be an indication that the
gospels were written so that readers could identify themselves in relationship
with the story of Christ. Therefore, we should expect that the Gospel of
Matthew is written for an audience that is probably a mixed group of Jews and
Gentiles who probably follow many aspects of Torah obligation.
The value of this type of analysis is its pragmatism. It has
been argued previously that looking for the author of the text pushes one from
examining the text and into an apologetic conversation concerning the merits of
Christian tradition. While there might be much value in Ecclesiastical
tradition (and it surely is an absolutely fascinating study), it is not
particularly helpful for considering the meaning of the gospels. For example,
whether one thinks that Mark is written by someone who had a relationship with
Peter and Paul does not change its meaning. However, considering the texts as
documents of a community will push one to look closely at the text itself – not
ecclesiastical tradition – for identity discourse.
Some might argue that both activities – considering an
author in ecclesiastical tradition and looking for community identity developed
in the text take away from the “plain sense” of scripture. While I firmly agree
with the former, the latter could be debated. I would present, however, major
challenges in how “plain” plain sense of scripture is. In order to understand the
text at all, it is necessary to set up an ideological platform. The platform of
“what seems to make sense” is the sneakiest of all because it does not admit to
using a theoretical background. Here, I am not necessarily arguing that Starr
and Johnson’s approach is the best approach to understanding texts in Early
Christianity. I am merely arguing that compared with an idea of “authorship,”
the social world of writing and reading is better suited to aiding in
understanding the actual texts themselves. Any theoretical analysis should be
measured by how well it explains the texts at hand and the concept of “reading
circles” certainly pushes one further into the text while “authorship”
philosophically separates oneself from them.
[1] My
compliments to Alex Kocar – and Will Ferrell – for this title
[2] Raymond J.
Starr “Circulation of Literary Texts in the Roman World.” Classical Quarterly, New Series, 37(1), 1987, 213-223.
[3] William A.
Johnson, Readers and Reading Culture in
the High Roman Empire: A Study of Elite Communities (Oxford: Oxford
University Press, 2010).
[4] Harry Y.
Gamble, Books and Readers in the Early
Christianity: A History of Early Christian Texts (New Haven and London:
Yale University Press, 1995).
[5] See my previous
blog post “Authorship as Remoteness: How the Discussion of Authorship in the
New Testament is Distanced from the Study of the Text.”
[6] William
Harris FILL IN REST OF CITATION
[7] Catherine
Hezser, Jewish Literacy in Roman
Palestine (Tubingen: Mohr Siebeck, 2001).
[8] Johnson, Readers and Reading Culture, 3-16.
[9] Mary Beard,
“Writing in Religion: Ancient Literacy
and the function of the written word in Roman religion” in Mary Beard (ed.) Literacy in the Roman World (Ann Arbor:
Journal of Roman Archaeology Supplement Series 3, 1991) 35-58.
[10] Augustine, Confessions, 6.3.3.
[11] The common
argument that Uncial manuscripts (with no divisions between words) forced one
to read out loud as Gamble (203) presents is equally unpersuasive. The idea
that an Uncial manuscript could not be understood without sounding it out loud
is simply inaccurate. If one looks at an English uncial manuscript, it is
certainly possible to read it without speaking aloud. The reader might find
that it is easiest to “mouth” the letters, but there is no reason one needs to
express them. If this were the case, it would be even more the case that Hebrew
consonantal texts would be impossible to express without sounding them out for
which there is also no good data that suggests such.
[12] Holt N. Parker
“Books and Reading in Latin Poetry” in William A. Johnson and Holt N. Parker
(eds.), Ancient Literacies: The Culture
of Reading in Greece and Rome (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2009),
186-229.
[13] See Hezser,
Jewish Literacy, 190-209.
[14] Martin
Jaffee “A Rabbinic Ontology of the Written and Spoken Word: On Discipleship,
Transformative Knowledge, and the Living Texts of the Oral Torah” JAAR 65 (1997), 525-549 quoted in Hezser, Jewish Literacy, 203.
[15] See Gamble,
Books and Readers.
[16] See Mark A.
Chancey, Greco-Roman Culture and the
Galilee of Jesus (Cambridge: CUP, 2005).
[17] Johnson, Readers and Reading Culture.
[18] Starr,
“Circulation of Literary Texts,” 213-216.
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